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From Coach to Congress

Jim Abdnor (center) coached Kennebec’s Legion baseball team before embarking on a state and national political career.

Jim Abdnor talked constantly, but no one in Kennebec had any inkling that their baseball coach would ever go to Washington. Two decades before he ran for the U.S. Senate in a race that drew national attention, Abdnor was simply a kind-hearted farmer who volunteered to coach the Legion team.

Nobody doubted his baseball smarts. He told Jim Cooney to try playing catcher, a position that didn’t appeal to the 9-year-old. But Abdnor, who would eventually gain a reputation as an astute spotter of green talent, recognized something in Cooney.

“I played baseball until I was 19 or 20,” says Cooney. “Always a catcher.”

Coach Abdnor chattered non-stop at the ballpark. And he talked at the coffee shop and the grain elevator and the school. He avoided gossip, however, and he never ranted when things went bad in a ballgame. In those years, the late 1950s and early 1960s, Abdnor almost always dressed like a working man in khaki pants and a green shirt.”It was like he had three sets of the same clothes,” Cooney recalls. The coach wore a mitt during practices but, in his late 30s, he was a bit too stocky to demonstrate proper fielding.

Abdnor eventually became a familiar figure in other South Dakota towns along old Highway 16 — Oacoma, Reliance, Presho, Murdo and Kadoka. He soon grew to understand and appreciate the culture of rural America. He inherently understood that the independent spirit and work ethic that defined the towns could also be found in many of the young people who grew up there.

Abdnor was born in 1923, the son of Sam and Mary Abdnor, immigrants to South Dakota from Lebanon. The couple farmed and ran a Kennebec store. They weren’t the only Lebanese-Americans working hard for a living on the West River plains. Their good friends, Charlie and Lena Abourezk, owned the Abourezk Mercantile store at Mission. The two families got together regularly for Sunday dinners of traditional Lebanese food and to listen to records of music from the homeland.

Abdnor’s parents, Sam and Mary, were Lebanese immigrants who sold groceries in Lyman County.

What’s more, the Abourezks also had a son named Jim, a few years younger than Abdnor. In time, the remarkable careers of the two Jims paralleled each other in uncanny fashion.

As was often true of children in immigrant families, Abdnor found sports as a way to absorb American values and cultural understandings. His Kennebec friends and neighbors were never too busy to support their teams. They also had political connections beyond what you might expect in a town of 400. Kennebec was home to U.S. Congressman William Williamson when Abdnor was a child, and M.Q. Sharpe — governor when Abdnor was a young man. The Lyman County courthouse sat on a hill on the south side of town, and the state capitol at Pierre was only an hour’s drive to the northwest.

Abdnor believed small communities had value, but he knew the economics of rural America were challenging, so he supported the Kennebec grain elevator and civic organizations that moved the town forward. As his political career grew, he made certain to use the Kennebec post office for his mailings — boosting local postal numbers. And it seemed almost as if he kept a roster in his hip pocket of the next generation of movers and shakers.

“If it were not for Jim Abdnor there is no way I could be doing what I’m doing today,” said current U.S. Senator John Thune in a eulogy for Abdnor in 2012. Abdnor first took note of Thune as an outstanding Murdo High School basketball player. While South Dakotans recall Abdnor as anything but flashy, Thune remembered”an understated charisma about him and an optimism that anything was possible.”

People responded to that throughout Abdnor’s life. He left Kennebec to earn a business degree at the University of Nebraska and served two years in the Army during World War II. Then he came home to help run the family businesses, teach history at the high school, and begin a 20-year stint coaching baseball. Soon another kind of work with young people put him on the road, in his spare time, building a network of Young Republican clubs. After World War II, both Republicans and Democrats recognized shifting South Dakota demographics and took action to strengthen their voter bases. In fact George McGovern — who will always be linked with Abdnor in South Dakota history — was crisscrossing the state to rebuild the Democratic party at about the same time Abdnor was connecting with young Republicans.

In 1956 Abdnor decided to seek a seat in the state legislature. Simultaneously, he knew he had to go to work on a very personal problem — a speech impediment that caused him to slur certain words. He feared that people meeting him for the first time in Pierre and elsewhere might think him drunk. Abdnor enlisted the help of a high school teacher, who understood speech problems, and he read books aloud, watching for problem words. His speech improved, although he never defeated the impediment completely. Eventually it became an endearing characteristic for many constituents and political contemporaries who understood that only a remarkable person could speak so poorly and still get elected to office.

He entered the state senate at Pierre in January of 1957, a time when the legislature was all male and not known for transparency. Committee meetings could be closed to the public at the whim of the chairman, and lots of deals were sealed in smoky rooms down the street from the capitol at the St. Charles Hotel. In both state and federal government, Abdnor always told friends in Kennebec, he disliked seeing colleagues vote against their principles in order to win votes later for another bill.

Abdnor in the legislature could be counted on to support public works (especially water projects), electric cooperatives in their territorial fights with public utilities and agricultural development.

Abdnor was reelected to the legislature five times and became president pro tem of the state senate. He ran successfully for lieutenant governor in 1968, following in the footsteps of A.C. Miller, another Kennebec politician and his personal mentor.

As president pro tem of the South Dakota senate, Abdnor handled ceremonial duties while also delving into tough governmental issues.

Then in 1970, his friend who shared his first name and Lebanese heritage, Jim Abourezk, was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives as a Democrat. He would represent the state’s old Second Congressional District (generally West River), and it could have been the two Jims running against one another that November. Abdnor sought the Republican nomination for the congressional seat but lost in the primary. Immediately, supporters urged him to try again in 1972, including Phil Hogen, an attorney who had just moved to Kennebec after completing law school at the University of South Dakota. Abdnor knew Hogen from a decade before, when he worked to get Hogen — then a Kadoka High School student — a position as a state senate messenger.

Hogen was among those who campaigned hard for Abdnor, and his story was typical of many volunteers and staff. They met Abdnor as young people and were committed to him for life.”He had a remarkable rapport with young people, and I’m not even sure why,” says Abdnor’s friend and Kennebec attorney, Herb Sundall.”I only know he could sit down and talk to them like no one else I ever saw. Jim never had children himself, never married, so maybe that had something to do with it.”

Abdnor and his young campaigners won the 1972 congressional race. Abourezk, after just 24 months, vacated the Second District seat and ran successfully for U.S. Senate. Abdnor reported to Washington as the only Republican member of South Dakota’s congressional delegation, consisting also of Democrats Abourezk, Sen. George McGovern and First District Congressman Frank Denholm.

He quickly needed to assemble a Washington staff. He soon had a Red Wing shoebox full of applications, many from Capitol Hill professionals who had been working for just-defeated members of Congress. Abdnor, though, decided he wanted his Kennebec friend and campaign organizer, Phil Hogen, to serve as his administrative assistant.

“Jim, I don’t want to do this,” Hogen remembers telling Abdnor when first asked.”But I changed my mind, and the two years I was in Washington were exciting. We’d been there 45 days when AIM occupied Wounded Knee, and we got to be on a first name basis with lots of people in the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the FBI.”

Hogen quickly came to understand he worked for a man who hated paperwork but loved people.”Lots of politicians go home and walk along the street, glad-handing and smiling at everyone they meet. But Jim did that with everyone he met, not just constituents who could vote for him, and he became very well known and liked in Washington.”

Abdnor watched the Watergate scandal engulf Washington from an unusual perspective in 1973 and 1974. Michigan Congressman Gerald Ford became a personal friend, and Abdnor saw Ford quickly elevated from Congress to vice president and, soon, to president of the United States. Three months after Ford replaced Richard Nixon in the White House, South Dakotans re-elected Abdnor, even though Republicans fared poorly nationwide due to the Watergate repercussions.

“For South Dakotans he was the personification of goodness in a rural state,” says Kay Jorgensen of Spearfish, who also grew up on the West River plains and served in the state legislature.”People saw his entire goal being to make individual lives better.”

In Washington, Abdnor was as comfortable shaking hands with Queen Elizabeth as he was on the baseball diamond back in South Dakota.

The state never knew a more accessible congressman, Jorgensen added.”He was someone you could always call. Often he answered the phone himself. And if you agreed or disagreed on an issue, it never affected the friendship.”

But even Abdnor’s most loyal friends wondered if the old coach was up to the challenge of running against George McGovern for U.S. Senate in 1980. McGovern had been the Democratic nominee for president eight years earlier, carried tremendous clout in Washington, and was a polished speaker and debater. How would Abdnor fare in a debate against George McGovern?

As it turned out, McGovern’s debating skills went for naught. The old baseball coach did the political version of an intentional walk: he declined all debates. Rather, he said, he would let his conservative record speak for itself. The national press took notice of the race, partly because of McGovern’s stature and partly because a Republican win would confirm that the party was making a strong comeback six years after Watergate.

Perhaps because it was so high profile, the 1980 Senate race split South Dakota communities and families, at least temporarily.”Although Jim’s mother, Mary, was my godmother, and his uncle Albert was my godfather,” wrote Jim Abourezk in his biography,”I never let that divert my attention from what I could do to campaign — unsuccessfully — for George McGovern.”

Abdnor won a landslide victory, claiming 58 percent of the vote, thanks in part to the Reagan revolution that swept across South Dakota and the national political landscape in 1980.

Though he declined debates during the campaign, Abdnor was not a silent senator. Three weeks after taking office, he spoke powerfully on behalf of a new group of individuals whose lives he hoped to make better. In the House of Representatives he had been an advocate for quality veterans’ health care. Now he discussed a particular category of veterans whose needs were just creeping into national consciousness: former Vietnam War prisoners whose problems, especially mental health issues, might not be evident for years. If symptoms did appear, Abdnor asserted, these veterans deserved prompt attention without waiting to prove their needs stemmed from the war.”We have waited for too long,” he said,”in addressing the unique and often severe problems former prisoners of war and their families face because of their internment and their services to their country.”

Abdnor especially appreciated his appointment to the Senate Appropriations Committee. He was sometimes asked how that worked for a fiscal conservative.”I didn’t spend any more money,” he later told the Sioux Falls Argus Leader.”I just tried to make sure South Dakota got its fair share. I don’t know of any other committee where I could have had as much influence.”

Overseas tours exposed Abdnor to cultures far removed from life on the South Dakota plains.

But he was unsuccessful in winning a second senate term in 1986. His support of the 1985 Farm Bill certainly cost him votes at a time when South Dakota farmers were suffering economically, losing their farms in some cases, and generally skeptical of federal agriculture policy. Gov. Bill Janklow had challenged Abdnor in the Republican primary. Abdnor prevailed over Janklow but the party was divided heading into the general election.

The old Abdnor-Abourezk connection re-asserted itself. Abdnor was defeated in 1986 by Tom Daschle, Abourezk’s former legislative director. Daschle would go on to serve three senate terms before being defeated by Abdnor’s protÈgÈ, John Thune, in 2004.

After leaving the Senate, Abdnor was appointed by President Reagan to lead the U.S. Small Business Administration. He served until after Reagan left the White House in 1989, then came home to South Dakota. He remained a sidelines force in the state Republican Party, and played golf.”Not very well, though,” Sundall says.”But he was always buying a new club that would make him the next Jack Nicklaus.”

He even formed a friendship with his 1980 opponent, George McGovern, who also spent many of his sunset years in South Dakota.”They didn’t agree politically but they respected one another’s honesty,” Sundall says.”Jim said when George told you he would do something, he did it.”

Abdnor also rekindled his love for youth baseball. He lived in Rapid City for several years and was a regular presence at games of the national powerhouse Post 22 American Legion team, even traveling to out-of-town games and out-of-state tournaments.

Baseball diamonds are where many South Dakotans had their last encounters with the senator from Kennebec. He would talk baseball, applaud the good plays and grab the hands of friends old and new.

Editor’s Note: This story is revised from the November/December 2018 issue of South Dakota Magazine. To order a copy or to subscribe, call (800) 456-5117.

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Feeling the Bern in Roscoe

Linda Roesch’s Bernie-blue couch returns for another presidential election.

On a residential street in Roscoe (pop. 299), a weathered sofa stands as a solitary curb appeal for a President Bernie Sanders. As blue as its surrounding environs are red, the couch — now in its second Sanders campaign — has spurned conversations, if not many sit-downs — around Roscoe and online.

We caught up with resident sofa artist Linda Roesch to discuss the state of political sofa art in South Dakota.

Q: Why a sofa?

A: It was what I had. It kind of came about really fast. It was probably about three weeks before the [2016] South Dakota primaries and my brother and I had just gotten some different living room furniture and I’m going to take it to the dump in a couple of days and we just both kind of got the idea that, you know what, we can paint this and make it an art piece instead of just throwing it out.

At the time, I guess I didn’t really intend on keeping it for this long. I mostly thought that at some point the snow would probably demolish it. And then two winters went by and nothing seemed to be happening. So I’ve repainted it a little bit. I changed the year from 2016 to 2020 to make it more current. At one point the city wanted me to haul it away. We had to go before city council and explained that it was an art piece and not, you know, junk old furniture.

Now this has become current one more time and we’ll probably leave it up over the winter again and see if the snow makes it collapse or if it’s good for one more season.

Q: Have many people driven by just to take a look?

A: Yeah, we get a lot of people that stop and take pictures. Right now I’m teaching up in Jamestown, North Dakota, so I’m not around very much. But [my brother] says that at least probably twice a month somebody will stop and take a picture. The reactions from the locals have been amazingly positive — at least what I’ve heard. Even people who are not fans of the person think it’s kind of an interesting piece. It’s sort of become part of the city, I guess, whether they want it to or not.

Q: Does it ever lead to conversations, about politics or the piece itself?

A: I’m not really there that much. I don’t get a chance to really talk to the people who stop too frequently. Early on, in 2016, the night that I was painting it outside, one of the people from town was driving by and he stopped and it was just a blue sofa at that point. He engaged in conversation asking if I was doing any going door to door and campaigning for anyone. I was kind of apprehensive because I wasn’t sure where this conversation was leading. Anyway, after a few minutes, this person indicated that he really liked Bernie Sanders and he had wanted to host a watch party, but he wasn’t able to find anyone interested in the community. He indicated that he was kind of surprised that more people locally weren’t onboard with Bernie’s message and the things that he wanted to accomplish. So that that time it did lead to a very good discussion with someone in the community I never would’ve had that discussion with in any other way.

Q: If somebody in the neighborhood painted a bigger, grander, red #MAGA couch, would you get swept up into a couch competition?

A: Probably not. At this point, if someone wants to do that, great. It’s free speech. I would probably laugh about it.

Michael Zimny is the social media engagement specialist for South Dakota Public Broadcasting in Vermillion. He blogs for SDPB and contributes arts columns to the South Dakota Magazine website.

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Credit Or Blame The Aberdeen Priest

South Dakota was the first state to allow voters to enact or block laws through the initiative and referendum process. Since then, we the people have passed laws on corporate farms, Right to Work, term limits, Daylight Saving Time, the minimum wage, nuclear waste and even dove hunting.

Our process of voter-enacted laws and referendums is getting a lot of attention in this year’s legislative session in Pierre. Depending on your point of view, you can credit or blame a Catholic priest from Aberdeen for all the fuss. Father Robert Haire is known as the father of the initiative and referendum. Born in Michigan in 1845, he grew up in an Irish Presbyterian family. He taught school as a young man and boarded with an Irish Catholic family who inspired him to convert in 1865. He eventually entered the seminary, became a priest and then headed west to Brown County, Dakota Territory with several of his parishioners, arriving on June 26, 1880. The next day he said his first Mass in a sod shanty, and began to plan for Brown County’s first Catholic Church.

He founded a school, Presentation Academy, in 1888. And he became the state leader of the Knights of Labor, as well as the group’s newspaper editor. From there his political involvement blossomed. He was active in the Dakota Farmers Alliance, a group created to protect farmers’ interests from politicians, corporations and railroads. Haire directed the Alliance’s political wing, which later become the Populist Party. He advocated the idea of the initiative and referendum for years before it became a part of the Populists’ platform.

Haire distrusted politicians and felt strongly that citizens should also have the ability and right to propose laws without having to go through elected representatives. In an 1891 issue of the Dakota Ruralist he wrote: “These men make the laws to suit themselves — are a law to themselves. The people seldom get any law passed they want.”

South Dakota became the first state to adopt the initiative and referendum process in 1898, passing easily on the same ballot that re-elected South Dakota’s Populist Governor Andrew E. Lee. Twenty-six states now allow some variation of the initiative and referendum.

Father Haire left other notable legacies in Aberdeen, including the creation of Northern State University, originally Northern Normal and Industrial School, in 1901. Today a memorial to Father Haire stands on campus.

As a political and religious leader during tumultuous times in our state’s history, Haire made friends and enemies. He spoke his mind even when he knew it might antagonize Bishop Martin Marty or his own parishioners. He eventually was dismissed by Marty for his radical views. He remained a priest but could not practice. Later, Bishop O’Gorman reinstated him and appointed him chaplain to the Presentation Sisters, a role he served for the remainder of his life. After Haire’s death in 1916, O’Gorman wrote this epitaph: “He had been in earlier years, when the State was still in the pioneer stage, a most zealous missionary. I believe that the last ten peaceful years of his life and his happy death were rewards of the good and fruitful work of the early years.”

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The Little Giant of USD

Editor’s Note: Bill Farber died in Vermillion in March 2007 at the age of 96. This story is revised from the July/August 2005 issue of South Dakota Magazine. To order a copy or to subscribe, call (800) 456-5117.

Bill Farber taught political science at the University of South Dakota for 38 years, and mentored many of South Dakota’s most successful people.

The small man with the mighty legend prefers his brown recliner just inside the front door of a small house across the street from the University of South Dakota campus.

It’s been Bill Farber’s favorite spot for years. His call,”Come in!” has welcomed students and politicos, dreamers and those who needed a firm kick. Set to celebrate his 95th birthday on July 4, Doc, as many of those students still call him, has become a living history lesson whose hand has moved behind the scene for decades in South Dakota, but whose reach has extended far beyond our borders to tackle questions of international cooperation.

When I was asked two years ago to help Doc write his autobiography, I had no idea how many lessons he still had left to teach. They’re the ones rooted in history, the ones we’re doomed to repeat unless we pay attention.

We began in March 2003 with a transcript of interviews from nine years earlier. We began with Doc’s dream of writing his autobiography from those transcripts. We began believing my job would be to write, rewrite and massage. Instead, we — Doc, political science secretary Mary Smart and I –embarked on a treasure hunt that became that history lesson.

The basement was our Shangri-La. A trip downstairs suggests Doc never threw out a piece of paper that crossed his desk, mailbox or any conference table at which he sat. Minutes and agendas — often multiple copies — from meetings held everywhere from Vermillion to Paris for the last eight decades. Letters to Doc and from him. Speeches and bits of speeches mixed with copies of the high school newspaper and yearbook he edited, old report cards, college papers, reports and research material.

The basement yielded treasures, but none so good as the day Doc wondered what was in the battered suitcase under another tall pile of papers. Inside, we found the letters he’d sent home from World War II and asked his mother to save. We also found letters he’d sent from Korea when he was setting up a school of public administration.

More than two years later, Footprints on the Prairie is due from the publisher this month (July) in time for Doc’s birthday celebration. At nearly 95, nothing seems to quench his interest in the world. Maybe to the chagrin of administrators and lawmakers, nothing can stop the endless flow of suggestions to improve government.

Just this spring, as committees discussed how to revitalize the legislature, Doc suggested that lawmakers meet quarterly, so they could deal with problems continuously through the year. Bills could be introduced in one session, adopted the next. Legislators could take advantage of what’s being done in other states.

Since money has always been a problem for state government, Farber also suggests adding 2 percent to everyone’s federal income tax returns and designating the revenue for health and education.”It’s simple,” he said.

A believer in travel and public service, Farber served in the Air Force at Hickman Field in Hawaii.

His rallying cry for more laws to encourage government consolidation in a state with few people never ends.”We need to do some bold thinking and not be afraid of experimenting,” he said.

The broad outlines of Doc’s story have often been told. He was hired to teach government at USD in 1935, and long before he retired as department chairman in 1976, he had become a force to reckon with. He’s still tickled that his July 4 birthday — just after the cutoff — meant he could teach until he was almost 66, instead of the previously state-mandated 65.

Here is the rare man who practices what he preaches. He believes in teaching and in public service. He helped establish South Dakota’s Legislative Research Council, and worked for constitutional revision, home rule, and single-member legislative districts. Besides the school of public administration in Korea, he helped set up an international training program for public administrators in Bruges, Belgium.

And he taught, his students becoming his family as he challenged them to do more than they thought they could. Among others, he prodded Tom Brokaw and Pat O’Brien — arguably the state’s best-known television personalities — out of college failure.

“His influence reaches well beyond the courses he taught in political science or the forums he organized, the research projects he supervised and the papers he graded,” Brokaw wrote in the introduction to Footprints.”Bill was a life force on campus, a roly poly energy cell constantly encouraging students in his department and others to look beyond the horizons of the Great Plains, to take their place in the wider world as well as in their home towns and counties across the prairie.”

At Farber’s retirement dinner, O’Brien remembered:”Doc and I talked about the fact that he is setting people up in life all over the country. He said to me, ‘I feel like the playwright sitting in the balcony looking down on stage at all my creations.’ I must say this playwright has had more success than Shakespeare.”

Besides that noteworthy duo, Farber mentored Rhodes and Fulbright scholars, and his students run multinational corporations, teach at the nation’s largest universities, run for political office and write books.

Most of Doc’s protÈgÈs are men. Mary Lynn Myers, one of the few exceptions, said there weren’t many women political science majors in her era. Besides, many of the men Doc mentored were those who were dropping by the wayside, she said.”Young women didn’t do that very often.” Women had to be smart, determined and wear thick skins if they went into political science.

Farber’s house is packed with miscellany from around the world. A Korean screen was a gift from a grateful father after Doc wrote a tuition check for the son. Doc’s dad started the collection of barber bottles. And there are books and photographs, more photographs than anyone would want to count.

In the 1950s, Farber helped to establish a school in South Korea and was pictured with a group he called, “five wise men.”

Bill Farber, the legend, is a small, portly man with a deceiving twinkle in his eye. He knows what he wants, and he usually gets it. The story began July 4, 1910, the day Doc was born but not breathing. The doctor swished him between hot and cold water and slapped him on the buttocks to make him cry. As Doc wrote in the book:”Some might suggest that from that point on I have never ceased to express myself in emphatic terms.”

Doc’s South Dakota accomplishments are well known. When racial equality became an issue in the courts and on the streets, Doc helped found the Institute of Indian Studies at USD, which brought tribal leaders together to talk about challenges they faced. When state senators and representatives saw the need for better information, Doc pushed and helped organize the Legislative Research Council. But his eye has never been confined by the state line.

In the two years we worked together, America invaded Iraq. Farber had lived through and helped shape national and international policy during the Cold War; he believed then, and he believes now, there’s no reason to go into combat.”Footprints” doesn’t dwell on war and peace, but the times threw war in our faces.

Doc has believed in a global community since he was president of the international relations club at Northwestern University during the Depression. He still remembers the German speaker who predicted that war would come, and Germany would be blamed. He does not excuse Hitler, but he says the economic roots of World War II were fostered by greed in countries like the United States.

When war broke out in Europe a decade later, Farber was teaching at USD. What many have forgotten is that this country was largely isolationist in the 1930s. In 1940, Doc debated against Roosevelt’s lend-lease deal with Britain, believing it would draw America further into the war. He taught a Sunday school class for young men who knew they would have to go.

At 30, he asked a local minister whether a Christian could kill, even in military duty. The minister preferred not to answer. Today, Farber still feels guilty he wasn’t a conscientious objector.”I just didn’t have the guts,” he said.

Farber advised a young Tom Brokaw to quit college until he was done partying. Brokaw returned to campus with a better attitude and the rest is broadcast journalism history.

As a political scientist, Doc watched the war propaganda machine spring into motion, and he remembered how British propaganda had deceived America during World War I. Viscount James Bryce, an author of a well-used American government textbook, verified that Germans had killed Belgian priests, then hung them, heads down, as bell clappers. Knowing Bryce, the American political scientists supported war. Doc wrote:”Evidence after the war, however, showed the Germans had not massacred the priests. When confronted by the political scientists, Lord Bryce said he wanted to save as many English lives as possible and thought his report would help if it convinced Americans to get involved.”

Doc lived through war pricing and rationing, and his basement yielded sheaves of letters to merchants and manufacturers. A Des Moines manufacturing company learned how to set South Dakota prices for salad dressings; the Watertown War Price and Rationing Board was not allowed to add an extra charge for sacking sugar; an Iowa cafÈ was allowed to raise its milk prices.

At 33, Doc was drafted and spent the next three years in the history division of the Army Air Force in Texas, Hawaii and Guam. At one point he convinced Vermillion’s George Johnson to carry his 80-pound barracks bag because it was too heavy and his shoulders too small. When it came to marksmanship, he wrote home:”As you can guess, I am the class dumbbell on most of these outdoor things, and the corporal has a worried look every time he glances in my direction.”

The warrant officer test also proved a challenge:”I’ve only rarely been able to chin more than once — one jump up, then down. I knew I couldn’t do it until a guy asked me if I was really stupid enough to want to go overseas. When I said yes, he grabbed me around the knees and pushed me up 10 times so I could qualify.”

Doc did not dispute that a country should go to war if attacked. But he could not stop questioning the why of sending young men into the Army. He wrote to friends in 1943:”The great tragedy of those in the army is, as I see it, in all the time that is being taken from real living. The tragedy is all the greater for those in their twenties. To see these alert young men being conditioned to army thinking and ways of doing things, and to the army type of social contacts is most discouraging. War is blight from which not many recover.”

No university professor in South Dakota history has been accorded the honors of Dr. Farber on USD’s Vermillion campus, where there is a Farber lecture series, a Farber scholarship fund and Farber Hall. An outdoor bronze of the genial prof was unveiled in 2002 on the university lawn near Old Main.

From war, Farber learned to trust international organization; he’s convinced the 1945 formation of the United Nations should have eliminated combat. But he’s been discouraged.”Here we are again not seeing to it that the United Nations is the institution it ought to be,” he said recently. He’s convinced that the United States still does not understand the importance of international problems.

“We are all human beings on this globe,” he said.”We all ought to be concerned with the welfare of everybody on the planet.”

A dedicated traveler, Doc learned about fitting into another culture when he spent six months in late 1958 — just five years after the end of the Korean War — in South Korea helping set up the school of public administration at Seoul University.

The school hoped to train senior public servants to be more efficient and effective, so democracy would be more readily accepted. Doc writes:”In a country plagued by red tape, poorly paid personnel and duplication, our challenge was to adapt medieval society to the modern world overnight.”

In true Farber fashion, Doc half adopted a troupe of high school boys, helping them with their English, taking them out to eat and to see sites in Korea they would not see on their own because they had no transportation. And he learned.

“Very quickly one discovers Ö that that which one had thought of as being rather firmly fixed principles, may not be so firmly fixed at all,” Doc wrote in 1961.”One finds himself examining almost at once the fundamentals of his so-called science. Indeed, it goes much further than that, and one has some real questions to raise about things in the conduct of his own living that previously have been accepted without examination.” American representatives in foreign countries ought to be humble, Doc wrote, remembering an old Korean proverb:”Don’t speak too soon; wait and see.”

The lessons continued when South Dakota’s Sen. Karl Mundt asked Doc to be minority counsel for the Senate Subcommittee on National Policy Machinery, a committee charged with making government more efficient. In his first Washington stint, 1960-61, Doc studied New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller’s proposal that would allow the president to appoint a first secretary of government to reorganize the executive office and improve response to national security and foreign affairs — an idea Farber would still like to see implemented.

Although Farber left Washington when John Kennedy arrived, he still believes firmly in Kennedy’s words after the Bay of Pigs invasion was averted.”The world knows that Americans will never start a war,” the president said.”This generation of America has had enough of war and hate Ö . We want to build a world of peace where the weak are secure and the strong are just.”

“Unfortunately,” Doc wrote,”this century has proved Kennedy wrong. The current Iraq war shows we still must learn to make peace.”

Returning to Mundt’s service in 1965, Doc became the senator’s consultant to the North Atlantic Assembly’s Committee on Education, Information and Cultural Affairs. In that capacity he helped set up an international training seminar for mid-level government administrators. This was Doc doing what he believed in most: Training public servants to be the best they could be.

The North Atlantic Assembly assignment sat Farber across the table from Sir Fitzroy Maclean, a British representative, who already in 1966 predicted America would never win the Vietnam War.”The most important thing would be the propaganda effort with the people to get them to support you,” Maclean told Doc.”Americans think all they have to do is bomb the hell out of anybody and they’ve won. You can’t do it that way.”

Another message stuck.

Doc despairs at America’s inability to avoid war.”We ought to be better, and I am not confident, on the basis of our past record, that we can successfully avoid another major conflict — and that could well be the end of civilized society as we know it,” he wrote. His conviction has not changed.

After two years with Doc Farber, his vitality — even in his 90s — remains with me. I understood best when I told him I’d just turned 50. Doc’s bright eyes peered out from a Yoda-like face.”Well,” he said matter-of-factly,”then you’ve got another 50 to go.”

That’s when I understood Doc’s magic.

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Raising Legislator Pay

Four bills increasing South Dakota’s legislators’ compensation — count ’em, four! HB 1145, HB 1149, HB 1150, and SB 170 — are sailing through the Legislature. The most direct, SB 170, would raise legislators’ annual pay from $6,000 to $10,000.

Let me be clear: I support raising legislator pay. Our legislators work hard for some of the lowest legislator pay in the nation. They sacrifice family and work time to do thankless work in the glare of public scrutiny. Those conditions make legislative candidates scarce. Higher pay will help address that candidate shortage.

Republican Rep. Jim Bolin has made arguments like that to defend two of these bills. I make arguments like that to advocate higher teacher pay. The logical connection between our arguments seems obvious. Alas, that logical connection seems to escape our legislators, who have proposed no legislation this session to address South Dakota’s teacher shortage.

How do we fix that cognitive disconnect? Hmm … if legislators can’t look at teacher pay the way they look at their own checks, maybe they’ll get it if we look at legislator pay the way legislators look at teacher pay. Here are some legislative pay-raise counterplans I would expect from our Republican legislators:

  1. Local Control: Let citizens in each district set salaries for their legislators. Set out tip jars at crackerbarrels … but subject distribution of those tips to local referendum.
  2. Merit Pay: Appropriate money to raise the salaries of 21 out of the 105 legislators. Give the raises to the legislators who perform best, as determined by (a) number of bills enacted, (b) number of votes their bills receive, and (c) number of proponents who testify in committee for their bills. Let the Governor break any ties.
  3. Bang for the Buck: We can’t just throw money at legislators. We have to get something for our investment. Raise their pay, but lengthen the session by a month.
  4. Summer Study: Why are we rushing to raise legislator pay? How do we even know that higher pay attracts more workers? Let’s first convene a Blue Ribbon Task Force to study the Legislature and maybe reinvent basic labor economics.
  5. Training Wage: Fund raises for some legislators by cutting the pay for legislators under the age of 30. Young legislators don’t bring as much talent, do as much work, or sacrifice as much time as older legislators.

(Oops–sorry about #5: I mixed up how Republicans treat teachers with how they treat children. Easy mistake.)

Legislators, if you finally catch my goose-gander drift, permit me to propose an amendment to the legislative pay raise that I really would support. Let’s index legislator pay to teacher pay. If South Dakota teachers rank 51st for pay, you rank 51st for pay. If you legislators get South Dakota teachers up to 50th or 49th (do I hear 34th?), your pay goes up the same.

Legislator pay and teacher pay — connect the two, and we might really start solving some problems.

Update: Between the drafting and the publication of this column, the Senate rejected Senate Bill 170, the $4,000 pay raise. It looks like our senators are rediscovering their political consistency and leaving both teachers and legislators in the pay cellar.

Editor’s Note: Cory Heidelberger is our political columnist from the left. For a conservative perspective on politics, please look for columns by Dr. Ken Blanchard on this site.

Cory Allen Heidelberger writes the Madville Times political blog. He grew up on the shores of Lake Herman, near Madison. He studied math and history at South Dakota State University and information systems at Dakota State University. Heidelberger lives, writes and bikes in Aberdeen.

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The Case Against SB 166

When I judge high school policy debate, I expect the team proposing a plan (the Affirmative team) to prove four basic points:

  1. The current system (the”status quo”) has a significant problem.
  2. The status quo lacks a way to solve that problem.
  3. The Affirmative plan can solve that problem.
  4. The Affirmative plan won’t create other, bigger problems.

The team opposing the plan and defending the status quo (the Negative team) can win by disproving (or showing that the Affirmative team has failed to prove) any one of those points.

Senator Corey Brown (R-Gettysburg) has proposed a plan, Senate Bill 166, to increase the number of signatures necessary to place an initiative or referendum on the ballot by 88 percent. A novice Negative team could destroy Senate Bill 166 on all four of the above points.

First, there is no problem. Why would we want to nearly double the number of signatures necessary for an initiative or referendum? By raising the signature threshold from 13,871 to 26,053, SB 166 would reduce the number of proposals that would successfully make the ballot, but do we have too many ballot measures right now? I see no sign that South Dakotans are harmed or annoyed by having the chance to exercise their constitutionally enshrined legislative power on the ballot measures that have come before them.

But suppose there were a problem. Suppose our initiative process is subject to manipulation from out-of-state special interest groups who see our small electorate and cheap media as an opportunity to test their wacky ballot measures. Arguably this happened in 2006, when fringy out-of-staters proposed the JAIL amendment, which would have paralyzed our courts and elected boards. The JAIL amendment was a terrible idea, and South Dakotans killed it 89 percent to 11 percent.

If there is a problem, the status quo already has a solution: elections. South Dakota voters don’t need SB 166 to protect them from bad ideas.

Whatever problems we might posit in South Dakota’s initiative and referendum, SB 166 wouldn’t solve them. Increasing the signature threshold for ballot measures guarantees there will be fewer ballot measures. SB 166 would most likely block measures brought forward by freshly organizing South Dakotans who just want to solve a problem. SB 166 would make it harder for grassroots petitioners to succeed. Outside groups with money would just spend a little more money. SB 166 would thus result in a larger percentage of outside big-money measures co-opting our initiative and referendum, which is exactly the opposite of the result SB 166 may intend.

While SB 166 can’t solve its imaginary problems, SB 166 would make one real problem worse. Secretary of State Shantel Krebs wants to reverse our declining voter turnout. She has dispatched her new public information officer, Jason Williams, to study how to engage more voters. SB 166 reduces the number of issues that could bring voters to the polls. SB 166 says to voters,”Don’t vote so much; let the Legislature handle these things.” SB 166 disrespects and disengages voters and runs counter to the state’s interest in encouraging more people to come to the polls.

Senate Bill 166 has no problem to solve. If there were a problem, the status quo could solve it, and SB 166 could not. SB 166 would only make things worse.

In high school debate, we’d say everything flows Neg. Even novice debaters can see that we have no good reason to increase the number of signatures necessary to let South Dakotans vote on initiatives and referenda.

Cory Allen Heidelberger writes the Madville Times political blog. He grew up on the shores of Lake Herman, near Madison. He studied math and history at South Dakota State University and information systems at Dakota State University. Heidelberger lives, writes and bikes in Aberdeen.

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Primary Problems

All we wanted to do was make it easier to check petitions for cheating. Now we’ve got to change the whole election calendar!

Secretary of State Shantel Krebs has delivered to her old colleagues in the South Dakota Legislature a package of bills intended to reform the circulation and certification of nominating petitions. The goal of these reforms is to provide for better review of nominating petitions for valid signatures. Citizen challenges of nominating petitions last year resulted in criminal charges against two South Dakota candidates for U.S. Senate.

To increase petition scrutiny, Secretary Krebs and the state Board of Elections propose this plan:

  1. Require the Secretary of State to review a random 5 percent sample of signatures on each nominating petition for statewide office.
  2. Move the petition circulation period one month earlier, starting December 1 and ending the last Tuesday of February.
  3. Repeal the registered-mail/postmark exception to the submission deadline and require that all petitions be in the hands of the Secretary by the deadline.
  4. Require court challenges to petitions be filed by the second Tuesday of March.
  5. Require judges to hear petition challenges before other cases.

Requiring the Secretary of State to review petitions is easy; the SOS already carries out the random 5 percent sample review on the much larger ballot measure petitions. Making time for that review is the trick. Under the current calendar, there are about three weeks between the time the Secretary gets petitions (less for those last-minute mailers) and the date she must print and ship primary ballots for early voting. Federal law sets that print deadline to ensure 45 days for military absentee voting; we can’t change that date.

If we want more time for the Secretary and the court to review petitions, we have to move the petition circulation period earlier. But look at the problems that arise from that move:

  1. Candidates need to commit a month earlier to running, meaning more citizens (perhaps more deliberate, thoughtful citizens) will be deterred from running.
  2. Circulators trade March for December, which, between weather and holidays, is a much worse month to go door-to-door and beg neighbors for signatures.
  3. Petition crunch time comes during the Legislative session, when candidates and the politicos who would scrutinize and challenge petitions are still focusing on bills and debates in Pierre.

The difficulties created by the earlier circulation period may outweigh the greater scrutiny the Secretary and the courts can give to petitions.

So what if we moved petition circulation later? Imagine candidates could start circulating petitions on March 15, after the Legislature gavels out, and had until the end of May to submit? More daylight, warmer temps, and less political distraction would make circulating easier for more candidates. Candidates would get to see the final bills and budget passed by the Legislature before deciding whether they need to run to throw some bums out. And the Secretary of State, citizen watchdogs, and the courts would still have time to properly review petitions for violations.

We would have to make just one other change… a pretty big one: we’d have to move our primary to the middle of summer.

But hey, would that be so bad? South Dakota’s political parties don’t have to name their candidates for Secretary of State, Attorney General, and four other statewide offices until early August. Why not bless candidates for Governor and Legislature with the same shorter campaign season?

Remember, this conversation started with the simple desire to look at petitions more closely. But we can’t change one element of the election process without bumping lots of other moving parts. Such is the challenge of crafting the optimal democracy.

Editor’s Note: Cory Heidelberger is our political columnist from the left. For a conservative perspective on politics, please look for columns by Dr. Ken Blanchard on this site.

Cory Allen Heidelberger writes the Madville Times political blog. He grew up on the shores of Lake Herman. He studied math and history at SDSU and information systems at DSU, and has taught math, English, speech, and French at high schools East and West River.

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The Build Dakota Scholarship

Twas’ the night before Christmas when all through the land

Every creature was stirring o’er a scholarship plan;

South Dakota needs workers, the shop bosses wail,

Without welders and wrenchers, gross state product will fail!

Liberal arts don’t make jobs, the Governor scoffs,

Kids lark off to college to become philosophes,

Shun nuts, bolts, and wires for bookish vocations,

Then chase luck and lucre in other locations.

So Denny the banker gives 25 Mill;

The Governor’s got tax dollars; match it he will!

The vo-techs will let kids take classes for free,

If they promise to work here for years summing three;

A noble plan, really, foresightful and true,

Generous and practical–I’d take it, wouldn’t you?

Kids get free schooling in practical trades,

Bosses get workers; the Dennys, accolades.

But imagine the student who says,”Just a min–

Let’s think this plan through: is this plan win-win-win?”

A two-year degree is nothing but nice,

But it may put your earning potential on ice.

Nationwide stats show kids who do college

Will squeeze higher pay from their post-high-school knowledge.

Grads from the U have an edge getting jobs

Over grads trained to wire and fiddle with knobs.

But if college ain’t fer ya, then what would you say

To nine K, or twelve K, or near 20 K?

Vo-tech beats high school anywhere, any day

Get it free, stay and work–in S.D., will it pay?

Crunch lots of numbers, and surely you’ll find

Some states and some jobs where three years of grind

Will earn you more pay than taking the deal

And staying and cutting our lumber and steel.

Wyoming pays off, Nebraska does not;

Radiologists find Minnesota is hot.

Some say cost of living saves Dakotans a bunch,

But data show prices here are no free lunch.

Sioux Falls and the Cities cost about the same:

Des Moines and Lincoln win the price game.

Your scholarship calc will take lots of math

To dictate which state’s the more profitable path.

But policy, sweet policy! What say Smith and Marx

On where to apply our few fiscal sparks?

Is the state’s proper role to train a job corps

Or raise Platos for voting and Spartans for war?

Less esoteric, will the scholarship work?

Will free school be enough of a perk

To o’erwhelm the forces that currently drain

The work pool the Governor aims to retain?

Fifty mill buys us three hundred a year

Who vouch the mere start of a fledgling career,

Work three years for less than experienced hands,

Then still maybe leave for more fruitful lands

Where Biz has a plan that works for all ages:

To draw better workers, pay better wages!

South Dakota won’t challenge its businesses hard;

We’ll make vo-tech free and play Sanford’s card.

Cheap school is good for an education promoter,

But you need higher pay to Build South Dakota.

Editor’s Note: Cory Heidelberger is our political columnist from the left. For a conservative perspective on politics, please look for columns by Dr. Ken Blanchard on this site.

Cory Allen Heidelberger writes the Madville Times political blog. He grew up on the shores of Lake Herman. He studied math and history at SDSU and information systems at DSU, and has taught math, English, speech, and French at high schools East and West River.

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The Vanilla Budget

Imagine you are Governor. You won your first term with over 60 percent of the vote. Now you’ve just won a second term with over 70 percent of the vote. You aren’t running or fundraising again. You just want to govern. You have four years, goo-gobs of political capital, and pliant supermajorities in both houses of your Legislature. What do you do?

You seize the moment and govern big, right? You pitch a big vision, tackle big challenges, and propose big reforms that maybe only one governor in a generation gets a chance to pursue.

When Bill Janklow won his second term in 1982 by over 70 percent, he proceeded to turn USD-Springfield into a prison, turn Dakota State into a computer school, and turn South Dakota into home base for Citibank. Like them or not, those policies took vision and courage, and they made a big impact on South Dakota.

Following his own enormous re-election triumph, Dennis Daugaard last week proposed a budget that makes me feel like we’re running an old folks’ home. Don’t shake anything up. Don’t upset the inmates. Just leave everything pretty much where it is so none of the residents get confused.

Facing a worsening teacher shortage, Gov. Daugaard proposes a middling 2 percent increase in state aid to K-12 schools.

Facing crumbling roads and bridges and the questionable federal commitment to replenishing the Highway Trust Fund, Gov. Daugaard includes in his budget no new transportation funding initiative.

Facing a sluggish state economy, Gov. Daugaard proposes no great changes in his economic development strategy and picks a fight with Chicago over airport posters.

With a historic chance to aim high, Gov. Daugaard shrugs and offers a budget that Republican and Democratic leaders have called”vanilla.”

There’s a time for caution, humility, and a caretaker government. And then there’s now, when South Dakota faces real problems and needs a governor to use his popular mandate to lead us to bold solutions, like…

Investments now in health, education, and infrastructure would do South Dakota a lot of good for a long time. Investments like that also put great leaders in the history books. But if his budget proposal means anything, Gov. Daugaard isn’t terribly interested in history or bold investment. He’ll let a historic opportunity slip through his fingers and let South Dakota and its problems drift along unchanged.

Editor’s Note: Cory Heidelberger is our political columnist from the left. For a conservative perspective on politics, please look for columns by Dr. Ken Blanchard on this site.

Cory Allen Heidelberger writes the Madville Times political blog. He grew up on the shores of Lake Herman. He studied math and history at SDSU and information systems at DSU, and has taught math, English, speech, and French at high schools East and West River.

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Political Drumsticks

Turkey Day is here! In a political year filled with turkeys, I can still find aspects of South Dakota politics for which to be thankful. If you’re game, here are some political items I’ll happily toast at the table with you this year.

1. I’m thankful fellow Madison HS debate alumnus Rick Weiland is signaling a desire to stick around and stay involved in South Dakota politics. Sure, he got beat in the Senate election, but he mounted an ambitious statewide campaign that can open the door to conversations and useful campaign connections for 2016. We Dems should resist the impulse to throw losers overboard and instead learn from failure. If Weiland is willing to help, let him help!

2. Ditto for Larry Pressler. He proved himself an intelligent policy wonk throughout the campaign, and now he sounds like he wants to lead more conversations with South Dakotans about policy and practical political problem-solving. In that noble and neglected cause, we can use all the help we can get.

3. I’m thankful Mike Rounds is headed to Washington… solely because it will give us a chance to test the Pressler hypothesis that national media will now be motivated to look into the corruption and illegal activity that took place under Rounds’s watch in South Dakota’s EB-5 program. I don’t cheer a wounded senator, but I do cheer the pursuit of truth.

4. I’m thankful my party’s poor performance in the midterm election has motivated some grassroots activists to mount their own effort to build resources for Democrats in 2016.

5. I’m thankful that, once again, South Dakota voters demonstrated that Democrats can win on policy.

6. I’m thankful that political fakers Annette Bosworth and Chad Haber disappeared from the general election scene. Now if only South Dakota’s schemiest political couple would use their ongoing fundraising to pay the employees and contractors they’ve stiffed.

7. I’m thankful Marty Jackley has not taken his status as the most popular Republican in South Dakota as a mandate to impose martial law on bloggers critical of the Attorney General’s office.

8. I’m thankful Dennis Daugaard says this year was his last election. A governor who doesn’t have his eye on the next election and the millions need to win it may be a little more focused on solving problems for all of us in Pierre.

9. While I lament low voter turnout, I’m thankful that the 40,000-voter decline in participation from the 2010 midterm means that we’ll need 2,000 fewer signatures to put laws on the ballot in 2016 and 2018. Sometimes less democracy means more democracy!

10. I’m thankful that, no matter the outcome of the election, I still find plenty of fellow South Dakotans who want to read, discuss, and debate South Dakota politics.

Thank you, friends! Now please pass the green-bean casserole.

Editor’s Note: Cory Heidelberger is our political columnist from the left. For a conservative perspective on politics, please look for columns by Dr. Ken Blanchard on this site.

Cory Allen Heidelberger writes the Madville Times political blog. He grew up on the shores of Lake Herman. He studied math and history at SDSU and information systems at DSU, and has taught math, English, speech, and French at high schools East and West River.